Two weddings in 2009 and 2015 respectively have received wide publicity among Tibetans and others within and out of China. The first was that of Lobsang Dundrup, a renowned singer from Gyalrong, and his new bride. While his friend posted their wedding photos on her blog, it received sharp critiques from Tibetan netizens for their “un-Tibetan” or “un-Buddhist” behavior since the couple were wearing clothes made of wild animal pelts. The singer was made to apologize in public for his “bad” conduct. The second is that of a young Gyalrong couple working in Chengdu, capital of Sichuan. The images posed as both modern Chinese city and “traditional” Tibetan couples, which had been posted on blogs, wechat and other social media, attracted even much wider attention both home and abroad. While the Chinese newspapers and thousands of netizens were amazed at the refreshing images of “modern” Tibetan youth who were seen to have left their home region physically but manage not to leave their Tibetan spirits behind, many Tibetans and others, notably Tsering Woeser, a highly-profiled Tibetan writer, were deplored at their pseudery or “staged” pretentiousness as heavily Sinicized Tibetans. The accusations of the “un-Tibetan” behaviors of the two different couples shed new light on intense anxiety among Tibetan intellectuals and others that the Gyalrong case foreshadows the diminishing of Tibetan culture and identity at the Sino-Tibetan borderlands and in Tibetan regions in general. This kind of anxiety simultaneously reflects an urge and earnest call for the re-Tibetanizing or re-civilizing of borderland Tibetans by reinforcing Buddhist teachings and Tibetan values. Therefore, this article will look into the symbolic meaning embedded in these two Gyalrong weddings as well as the ongoing conflicts and convergences of the “Sinicization” and “Tibetanization” discourses. International conference “Territories, Communities, and Exchanges in the Sino-Tibetan Kham Borderlands,” Februray 18-20, 2016. This conference is an outcome of a collaborative ERC-funded research project (Starting grant no. 283870). For more information, please visit the project's Website: http://kham.cnrs.fr  
Mot(s) clés libre(s) : UPS2259, CEH, Centre d'Etudes Himalayennes, Two Gyalrong Weddings Under Fire: Rethinking of the Ongoing “Sinicization” and “Tibetanization” on the Sino-Tibetan Borderlands, Tenzin Jinba, Territories, Communities, and Exchanges in the Kham Sino-Tibetan Borderlands, ERC (European Research Council), National University of Singapore

Deux mois après le début de la révolution égyptienne de 2011, la vie se poursuit, les mariages reprennent au Caire. Cette vidéo a été montée dans la perspective d’un contre-don: la vidéo retournait à la famille de la mariée: son père, qui travaille dans une forge, m’avait invité au mariage. Le mariage se passe dans une salle communale et non en plein air en privatisant une rue ou des ruelles comme cela se passe habituellement dans les quartiers populaires du Caire comme celui-ci (à Darb al-Ahmar). Il faut peut-être y voir l’influence d’une insécurité post-révolutionnaire et aussi l’évolution du mariage populaire qui imiterait les mariages bourgeois des classes supérieures. Two months after the start of the 2011 Egyptian revolution, life goes on, weddings resume in Cairo. This video has been edited in the perspective of a back gift: the video returned to the family of the bride: her father, who works in a forge, had invited me to the wedding. The marriage happens in a community hall and not in the open air by privatizing streets or alleys as it usually happens in the popular neighborhoods of Cairo, as here in Darb al-Ahmar. It is maybe the influence of post-revolutionary insecurity and also the evolution of the popular wedding that would mimic the bourgeois marriages of the upper classes.
Mot(s) clés libre(s) : musique, Wedding, Party, Urban, Urbain, Cairo, Egypt, Le caire, music, fête, Egypte, populaire, mariage, Popular